期刊简介

《太平洋评论》（The Pacific Review）是太平洋地区研究的主要平台，作为跨学科期刊，其宗旨和目标为打破研究领域之间以及学术界、新闻界、政府和商界之间的壁垒，重点关注政策问题。根据Journal Citation Reports显示，2019年该刊的影响因子为1.633，在区域研究类SSCI期刊中排名11/77，在国际关系类SSCI期刊中排名第35/95。

本期目录

重塑历史“疑难”：记忆、身份以及日本与韩国的贸易争端

（Re）producing the ‘history problem’: memory，identity and the Japan-South Korea trade dispute

调节一个对于印度尼西亚“非绿色”基础设施的稳定的可持续性解决方案：跨国联盟、妥协和国家的战略选择性

Conditioning a stable sustainability fix of ‘ungreen’ infrastructure in Indonesia: transnational alliances，compromise，and state’s strategic selectivity

俄日关系中的楔子战略

Wedge strategies in Russia-Japan relations

不稳定的拥抱：越南对中美竞争中美国自由开放的印太战略的回应

Uneasy embrace: Vietnam’s responses to the U.S. Free and Open Indo-Pacific strategy amid U.S.–China rivalry

中国内陆周边区域经济一体化：吉林—东北亚案例

Regional economic integration on China’s Inland periphery: the Jilin-Northeast Asia Case

1990—2019年中国在拉丁美洲与加勒比地区的发展：在关系中引导认知

China’s rise in Latin America and the Caribbean 1990–2019: navigating perceptions in the relationship

经济方略、相互依存与中日两国“竞争”

Economic statecraft，interdependence，and Sino-Japanese ‘rivalry’

文章摘要

重塑历史“疑难”：记忆、身份以及日本与韩国的贸易争端

摘要：国际关系学者一直将日韩关系视为一个使主流理性主义理论混淆的难题。这些理性主义理论难以解释与所谓“历史疑难”始终相伴的激烈言语与态度。因此，虽然许多学者采用了传统的建构主义方法将历史纳入他们的分析，但这些研究往往忽略了这一社会现实的重构过程，从而将负面情绪完全视为韩国和日本文化或身份的基本要素导致的某些外交政策。本文以近期的日韩贸易争端为例，借鉴批判的建构主义及后结构主义理论和话语分析方法来检验“历史疑难”是如何产生与再现的。本文认为，韩国将日本描绘成一个不悔改的殖民侵略者的记忆与日本将韩国描绘成沉迷于过去的情绪化与非理性的遗忘的主导性话语，会重塑它们的身份，导致对历史的态度出现冲突。虽然这种外交政策实践使占主导地位的国家认同重生，但这些认同也塑造了外交政策合法的或可想象的界限。此二者相互构成的关系不断再现着日韩关系中的“历史疑难”。

Japan-South Korea relations have consistently been presented by International Relations scholars as a puzzle that confounds mainstream rationalist theories，which struggle to explain the consistent acrimony associated with the so-called ‘history problem’. While many scholars have，therefore，adopted conventional constructivist approaches to incorporate history into their analyses，such literature often neglects the processes of （re）construction of this social reality，thereby implicitly treating these negative sentiments as essentialised elements of Korean and Japanese culture/identity which cause certain foreign policies. Using the recent Japan-South Korea trade dispute as a case study，this article instead draws on critical constructivist/poststructuralist theory and discourse analytical methods to examine how the ‘history problem’ is produced and reproduced. It argues that dominant discourses of remembering in South Korea，which represent Japan as an unrepentant colonial aggressor，and of forgetting in Japan，which represent South Korea as emotional and irrational for dwelling on the past，act to （re）produce identities that clash in their attitudes to difficult history. While such foreign policy practices （re）produce dominant national identities，these identities also shape the bounds of which foreign policies are legitimate or imaginable. This mutually constitutive relationship between identity and foreign policy continually reproduces the ‘history problem’ in Japan-South Korea relations.

调节一个对于印度尼西亚“非绿色”基础设施的稳定的可持续性解决方案：跨国联盟、妥协和国家的战略选择性

摘要：本文是第一次以印度尼西亚外国资助的超临界 （USC） 燃煤电厂的发展为重点关注对象，将可持续性修复政治与社会冲突理论 （SCT）批判性地联系起来的学术尝试。文章研究了印度尼西亚“绿色”项目的矛盾的发展，并解开了跨国政治经济力量如何保证超临界电厂有稳定的可持续性解决方案，以及说服反对力量并重塑治理战略以加强积累的难题。作者试图通过两个案例研究——由日本和韩国公司开发的Cirebon II与由中国资助的Java 7项目，实证展现这一过程是如何展开的。尽管每个联盟都有不同的联盟形式和战略，但这两个案例都表明，维护超临界电厂开发可持续性修复的稳定条件主要取决于社会政治力量（如资本的国际份额、国家机器、印尼国家电力公司和煤炭寡头以及更广泛的民间社会参与者）之间的竞争、冲突与妥协。他们重塑了最终由印尼组织并对国家战略的选择性做出反应的治理战略，这些战略赋予主导性力量特权。本文有益于理解现有关于基础设施政治经济学的研究，以及将国家转型考虑在内，并消除以政策结果与制度特征为先决条件的为投资者原籍国的资本主义模式所固有的“方法论民族主义”观点。

This paper is the first academic attempt to critically bridge the politics of sustainability fix with social conflict theory（SCT）focusing on Indonesia’s foreign-sponsored development of Ultra Supercritical （USC)）coal power plants. I examine the contradictory development of ‘green’ projects in Indonesia and specifically unpack: how transnational politico-economic forces have secured a stable sustainability fix for the USC and how they have tamed opposition forces and reshaped governance strategies for intensified accumulation. I attempt to empirically demonstrate how such process unfold through two case studies – Cirebon II developed by Japanese and Korean companies and the Java 7 project funded by China. Albeit each have different alliance formations and strategies，both cases demonstrate that the safeguarding of stable conditions for sustainability fixes of USC power plant development is primarily determined by contestation，conflicts，and compromises between socio-political forces – international fractions of capital，state apparatuses，Indonesia’s PLN and coal oligarchy as well as broader civil society actors. They reshape governing strategies that are ultimately organised through the Indonesian state and react to the selectivity of state strategies which privilege dominant forces. The paper contributes to the existing literature on the political economy of infrastructure and serves to take state transformation into account and to dispel the ‘methodological nationalism’ view that presupposes policy outcome and institutional features are inherent to the mode of capitalism of the investor’s country of origin.

俄日关系中的楔子战略

题目：Wedge strategies in Russia-Japan relations

This article analyses wedge strategies in the context of Russo-Japanese relations. In particular，it looks at how both countries have sought to generate a dis-alignment in the opposing side，preventing further steps toward the consolidation of potentially threatening partnerships: the US-Japan alliance for Russia，and the Russia-China entente for Japan. After identifying the respective goals of Russia and Japan，the article examines the conditions that enable the success of wedge strategies. Looking at the case of Russia-Japan relations from 2012 to 2020，the article argues that a strategy constituted of a mix of positive economic and political incentives and a limited amount of coercion can succeed in producing a degree of dis-alignment in the opposing camp. Russia’s strategy seems to be more productive than Japan’s since Moscow has managed to minimize the effect of sanctions imposed by Japan and it has reduced political differences to mostly bilateral and regional issues. A greater level of cooperation with established partners for both Russia and Japan，and limited costs of wedging strategies，have resulted in dis-alignment but not a reversal of existing alignments. The article also indicates that in this case credibility issues do not fundamentally affect the degree of success of wedge strategies.

不稳定的拥抱：越南对中美竞争中美国自由开放的印太战略的回应

题目：Uneasy embrace: Vietnam’s responses to the U.S. Free and Open Indo-Pacific strategy amid U.S.–China rivalry

Like many other small and middle powers，Vietnam is facing a strategic dilemma in the face of the U.S.-China rivalry. With the introduction of a vision for Free and Open Indo-Pacific（FOIP），the US seeks to strengthen ties with its allies and partners in the region to preserve rules-based international order and to counter China’s rise. Being positioned as the U.S. burgeoning like-minded partner in the regional security architecture，how Vietnam responds to the FOIP strategy，hence，merits consideration. This article argues that Vietnam has responded positively toward the FOIP strategy due to the high compatibility between some key tenets of this strategy and its national interests. However，rather than joining and supporting FOIP in a full-fledged way，Vietnam has chosen to work selectively in some issues with the US. More specifically，while Vietnam proactively embraces the economic dimension in FOIP，it still remains cautious about the security domain. The rationale behind Vietnam’s hesitation to lend full support to this strategy is partially driven by China factor. In this article，China is addressed as a “brake，” which can exert influence on the speed and scope of cooperation that Vietnam is willing to move forward with the US under FOIP strategy.

中国内陆周边区域经济一体化：吉林—东北亚案例

题目：Regional economic integration on China’s Inland periphery: the Jilin-Northeast Asia Case

摘要：为什么自上世纪九十年代以来，中国在东北地区与亚洲的经济一体化不能十分满足人们的期待？以中国为中心的亚洲一体化在次国家层面最能够被很好地理解。在给定的结构与历史条件下，各层次利益的相互作用产生了独特的省级对外经济参与轨迹。虽然国家利益决定了政策选择，但政策结果是通过地方反馈效应和管理跨国交流的制度创新所塑造的。过去二十年的吉林—东北亚案例显示出这种动态的负面方向，其根源有三。通过追踪该国家发展后期的内陆边缘的变化及其连续性，本研究指出了传统国际关系学术所没有展现的跨境一体化的次国家层面，并展示了中国沿海成功故事的另一个面相。中国正在进行的发展计划与其自身的长期发展有关，而不仅仅是一种海外的愿景。

Why has China’s economic integration with Asia lagged in the northeast despite high expectations since the 1990s? China-centered integration in Asia is best understood at the Chinese subnational level. The interaction of central，local，and international interests under given structural and historical conditions produces distinct provincial trajectories of foreign economic engagement. While central state interests dictate policy choice under authoritarian rule，policy outcomes are shaped through local feedback effects and institutional innovations to manage transnational exchange. The Jilin-Northeast Asia case over the past two decades shows a negative orientation of such dynamics，stemming from a poor alignment of interests，the region’s structural constraints，and a socialist historical legacy. By tracing change and continuity on China’s late-developing，inland periphery，this study points to the subnational dimensions of cross-border integration obscured by conventional international relations scholarship，and presents the other side of China’s coastal success story. China’s ongoing plans for Asian integration are linked to the long-term development of China’s own regions rather than just aspirations abroad.

1990—2019年中国在拉丁美洲与加勒比地区的发展：操控关系中的认知

题目：China’s rise in Latin America and the Caribbean 1990–2019: navigating perceptions in the relationship

摘要：迄今为止，中国较美国在当前国际舞台更快崛起的看法正在学术界流行。1990至2019年间，有关国际关系的话语研究对更广泛的中美关系研究作出了重要贡献。在中国与拉丁美洲-加勒比地区（LAC）的话语中，中国的发展对美国在该地区的利益带来了潜在的压力。由于该地区在美国地缘战略定位中的重要位置，该地区在更广泛的权力关系中有着重要的地位。然而，动态中的强大国家在很大程度上被与三者在此地区利益相关的认知所解释。尽管人们对中国在国际的发展和拉丁美洲地区的战略地位有着模糊的看法，而不是只专注于一种想法，但这些国家似乎在很大程度上绕过了更为偏执的言论。在将LAC国家纳入讨论的过程中，本文研究了良性观念如何塑造了该地区与中国的关系。有人认为，因为美国的影响根深蒂固，LAC国家试图在很大程度上以经济机遇为前提来构建和把握与中国的关系，这进一步否定了之前偏执的想法。在阐述这一论点时，本文试图表明，中国经济发展的更有利的形象改变了LAC国家对中国的反应，而这些国家是被一种高层次的经济实用主义所驱动的。本文还表明，先前潜在的秩序在LAC国家内部具有实际影响与更微妙的表现形式，这减轻了人们的担忧和如前所述的偏执感受。

经济方略、相互依存与中日两国“竞争”

题目：Economic statecraft，interdependence，and Sino-Japanese ‘rivalry’

编译 | 闫一苇

审校 | 杨瀚椒

排版 | 沈䶮