JonathanA.Silk《Chinese Buddhism and the Scholarship of Erik Zürcher》作品简介与读书感悟

期刊简介本期目录批判性国际关系理论中“去欧洲中心主义”的宏观叙事Post-Eurocentricgrandnarrativesincriticalinternationaltheory国际关系知识生产

期刊简介

本期目录

批判性国际关系理论中“去欧洲中心主义”的宏观叙事

Post-Eurocentric grand narratives in critical international theory

国际关系知识生产的实践性与地域性:从超脱到解放

Mapping practices and spatiality in IR knowledge production: from detachment to emancipation

世界政治中全球性城市的理论构建

兵棋推演与国际关系研究

Wargaming for International Relations research

对抗隐蔽战争的沉默以及与三缄其口的艰苦斗争

Fighting silence covert warfare and the uphill battle against the unsaid

道德说教还是理性计算?美国反恐政策与境外人权问题

Seeing reason or seeing costs? The United States,counterterrorism,and the human rights of foreigners

不可能完成的任务?内战中的联合国维和行动

Mission (im)possible? UN military peacekeeping operations in civil wars

超越国家权力的去制度化

The de-institutionalisation of power beyond the state

建立或摧毁国家:战争何时具有形成性影响

Making or un-making states: when does war have formative effects

文章摘要

批判性国际关系理论中“去欧洲中心主义”的宏观叙事

题目:Post-Eurocentric grand narratives in critical international theory

摘要:批判性国际关系理论面临着一个基本的“理论定位”的问题,而这又决定了理论本身是否具备批判性的分析世界政治的能力。对理论定位问题的回答取决于理论能否突破时间和空间的局限,从一个更普世性的视角评估人类的过去、现在和未来,评估其究竟是进步的还是倒退的。但普世性的视角往往依赖于人类历史发展的宏大叙事,而后者则大多构建在形而上哲学和欧洲中心主义的历史概念的基础之上,因而也破坏了将这些宏大叙事作为定位手段的可靠性。因此,我们有必要对宏大叙事本身加以反思和质疑。但随着对反思的不断关注,同样存在着哲学抽象性递进以及理论与实践间鸿沟加深的趋势。本文尝试分析宏大叙事在批判性国际关系理论中的作用,探索后欧洲中心主义和后哲学式的宏大叙事,以为批判性国际关系理论的理论定位提供一种其他的可能,并重寻理论和实践之间的联系。本文将基于理查德·德维塔克(Richard Devetak)和安德鲁·林克莱特(Andrew Linklater)的最新研究,从历史-社会学的方法进行切入。

Critical international theory is confronted with a fundamental ‘problem of orientation’,whose answer defines its capacity to critically analyse world politics. This problem derives from how the capacity for critique is inherently connected with the need to,at least partially,escape time- and space-bound points of view and attain a more cosmopolitan perspective that permits an assessment of the regressive/progressive tendencies of the human past,present and possible futures. The search for this cosmopolitan standpoint of orientation has frequently led to a reliance on grand narratives of human development from the perspective of which critical orientation can be disclosed. However,grand narratives themselves have frequently relied on metaphysical categories and stadial conceptions of history that reproduce forms of Eurocentrism that ultimately undermine their adequacy as means of orientation. A fundamental suspicion of grand narratives and need for ‘reflexivity’ that discloses forms of exclusion embedded in theoretical perspectives have thus become common topics in the field. However,this growing concern with reflexivity is also associated with a tendency for greater philosophical abstraction and a growing gap between theory and practice. This article considers the role of grand narratives in critical international theory and explores the possibility of post-Eurocentric and post-philosophical grand narratives that provide an alternative answer to the problem of orientation and recover the link between theory and practice. With reference to recent developments in the field,namely,the work of Richard Devetak and Andrew Linklater,the article considers the possibility of a historical–sociological approach to grand narratives.

国际关系知识生产的实践性与地域性:从超脱到解放

题目:Mapping practices and spatiality in IR knowledge production: from detachment to emancipation

摘要:本文探索了世界各地的国际关系学者知识生产的各种方法,借以从实践上和地域上推进全球国际关系学科的争论。我们认为,二元化的概念无益于知识生产。相反,知识生产应考虑更多的、更复杂的因素,譬如地域性、全球性和具体化的语境。笔者通过对在东亚、南亚、中东、欧亚大陆和非洲工作的26位国际关系学者进行定性深度访谈,构建了一个包括七种参与模型的类型学,以探究知识生产的形式与实践之间的矛盾关系。这七种模式的存在说明,全球国际关系知识生产具备变化性、复杂性和背景的特殊性,这也更进一步地敦促我们思考业已困扰国际关系学科许久的西方-非西方的二元化的地缘政治结构问题。

This article conceptualises the variety of approaches taken by International Relations (IR) scholars around the world to dominant forms of knowledge production in IR. In doing so,it advances Global IR debates along two axes: on practices and on spatiality. We argue that binary conceptions are unhelpful and that engagement with knowledge production practices is best captured by a landscape of complexity,requiring a deeper interrogation of positionality,globality and context. Using 26 qualitative interviews with IR academics at institutions in East Asia,South Asia,the Middle East,Eurasia and Africa,we construct a typology comprising seven modes of engagement that capture the conflicted relationships to dominant forms and practices of knowledge production in IR. The typology is intended to highlight the variation,complexity and contextual particularities in global IR knowledge production practices and to enable an interrogation of spatial hierarchies that unsettle conventional geopolitical West/non-West fault-lines.

世界政治中全球性城市的理论构建

题目:Theorizing the globally engaged city in world politics

摘要:城市无论规模大小抑或经济发展水平高低,都深度参与着全球治理最核心的议题,包括气候变化、人口迁移、公共卫生等等。但这一现象却被大多数国际关系学者所忽略,只有部分其他领域的研究者对这一现象进行了理论化工作。本文的分析前提在于认知决定行为,因而把聚焦城市的全球身份作为论证依据,尝试理解和评估城市在世界政治中的参与度。通过提出“被全球化的城市”与“主动参与全球化的城市”之间的微妙区别,我们分析了塑造、影响和界定城市作为全球政治参与者的政治因素和话语因素。我们认为,城市身份可被分解为地方维度和全球维度,前者与后者有所区分,并受后者的影响。本文的研究框架强调了政治认同在全球政治参与城市的界定和传播过程中的重要作用。通过两个实证性研究,本文的研究意义在于,国际关系学科也可以利用本文的框架来更好地分析城市在世界政治舞台中的(潜在)影响。

Cities both large and small,more and less economically advanced,are deeply involved in efforts to address the most challenging and complex issues of contemporary global governance,ranging from climate change and conditions of insecurity to human migration and public health. Yet this puzzling phenomenon is largely ignored within International Relations (IR) scholarship,and only partially theorized by scholars working in other fields of inquiry. Our premise in this article is that attempts to understand and assess city participation in world politics are augmented by focusing on the global identity of the city,since understanding what cities do in world politics is shaped by who cities (think they) are on the global stage. In proposing a subtle shift,from the passively labeled global city to what we call the globally engaged city,we direct analysis to the political and discursive forces shaping,delimiting,and informing this novel role for the city as a world-political actor. We propose that city identity is now fractured into local and global dimensions and set out two analytically distinct contexts in which the global identity of the city is forged through a process of differentiation from the nation-state. Our framework highlights in particular the politics of recognition shaping how the globally engaged city is defined and diffused. Through two empirical vignettes we illustrate the value of our framework as a means for IR scholarship to bring cities in from the analytic hinterlands and better understand their (potential) impact on the world stage.

兵棋推演与国际关系研究

JonathanA.Silk《Chinese Buddhism and the Scholarship of Erik Zürcher》作品简介与读书感悟

题目:Wargaming for International Relations research

Political scientists are increasingly integrating wargames into their research. Either by fielding original games or by leveraging archival wargame materials,researchers can study rare events or topics where evidence is difficult to observe. However,scholars have little guidance on how to apply this novel methodological approach to political science research. This article evaluates how political scientists can use wargames as a method of scholarly inquiry and sets out to establish a research agenda for wargaming in International Relations. We first differentiate wargames from other methodological approaches and highlight their ecological validity. We then chart out how researchers can build and run their own games or draw from archival wargames for theory development and testing. In doing so,we explain how researchers can navigate issues of recruitment,bias,validity,and generalizability when using wargames for research,and identify ways to evaluate the potential benefits and pitfalls of wargames as a tool of inquiry. We argue that wargames offer unique opportunities for political scientists to study decision-making processes both in and beyond the International Relations subfield.

对抗隐蔽战争的沉默以及与三缄其口的艰苦斗争

题目:Fighting silence covert warfare and the uphill battle against the unsaid

摘要:在无人机战争和其他类似隐蔽国家行为上的沉默是我们理解和问责政府行为的挑战。学者和人权行为体向来为透明政府奔走,反对政府的三缄其口,并呼吁政府在这一问题上发声。通过对无人机战争的案例研究,本文分析了沉默的作用以及反对沉默的政治斗争。本文分析了125份非政府组织报告、联合国文件和政策文章,并研究了西方人权行为体如何应对、理解和反对政府的沉默。这些研究表明沉默不是一个离散的行为,而是与否认、隐瞒部分信息、抹黑、拖延、缺乏监督等其他问题相互依存。在不平等的权力关系中,作者展现了反对政府三缄其口的斗争本身就是基于西方构建的无人机战争话语之中,并有进一步助长暴力的风险。本文讨论了对抗政府沉默的若干方法,丰富了关于隐蔽战争和沉默的学术讨论,并指出了为提高政府透明度奔走的非国家行为体面临的各种政治困境。

Silences around drone warfare and similar covert state practices have often been encountered as a hurdle that hinders us from understanding and interrogating government acts. Scholars as well as human rights actors have opposed silences in a struggle for greater transparency and have called on governments to speak. Through the case study of drone warfare,this paper analyses the productive role of silences and the political struggle to oppose it. Analysing 125 non-governmental organisation (NGO) reports,UN documents and policy papers,this article investigates how silences are encountered,interpreted and opposed by Western human rights actors. This shows that silence is not encountered as a discrete unit but as interdependent layers of denial,partial withholding of information,redactions,delays,lack of oversight and so on. Situated within unequal power relations,I show how the battle against the unsaid is itself based on what has (not) been heard in Western constructions of drone warfare and risks further enabling violent practices. Discussing ways of subverting the workings of silence,the paper not only contributes to academic literature on covert warfare and silence but also speaks to the practical dilemmas faced by non-state actors who are advocating for more transparency.

道德说教还是理性计算?美国反恐政策与境外人权问题

题目:Seeing reason or seeing costs? The United States,counterterrorism,and the human rights of foreigners

It is well known that in the wake of 9/11,the United States committed various extraterritorial human rights violations,that is,human rights violations against foreigners outside of its territory. What is less known is that the United States has gradually introduced safeguards that are,at least on paper,meant to prevent its counter-terrorism policies from causing harm to foreigners abroad or,at least,to mitigate such harm. Based on three case studies on the development of safeguards related to torture,targeted killing,and mass surveillance,we show that two mechanisms,coercion and strategic learning,deployed either on their own or in combination,can account for the development of such safeguards. By contrast,we found no evidence of a third mechanism,moral persuasion,having any direct effect. In other words,US policymakers opt to introduce such safeguards either when they face pressure from other states,courts,or civil society that makes immediate action necessary or when they anticipate that not introducing them will,at a later date,result in prohibitively high costs. We did not find evidence of US policymakers establishing safeguards because they deemed them morally appropriate. From this we conclude that,although the emerging norm that states have extraterritorial (and not just domestic) human rights obligations may not have been internalized by key US policymakers,it nevertheless has a regulative effect on them insofar as the fact that relevant others believe in the norm restricts their leeway and influences their cost–benefit calculations.

不可能完成的任务?内战中的联合国维和行动

题目:Mission (im)possible? UN military peacekeeping operations in civil wars

JonathanA.Silk《Chinese Buddhism and the Scholarship of Erik Zürcher》作品简介与读书感悟

超越国家权力的去制度化

题目:The de-institutionalisation of power beyond the state

摘要:当代权威的塑造主要致力于使权力正式化并对其去个体化,诸如欧盟这样的跨国秩序常常被视为其延伸。但本文认为,近来的发展状况却不尽如此。十多年以来的危机政治表明,制度从属于个体及其构成的网络,并被其重塑。倘若在更广泛的历史背景中看待这些趋势,本文则认为,需要在对跨国治理中的非正式性给予更多关注的同时,也对随之而生的规范性问题给予更多认识。正如统治者和统治机构之间的分权对现代法律和政治结构的形成至关重要一样,削弱这种分权给当代国家和超国家当局带来了合法性问题。去制度化不应被誉为灵活的解决问题之道,而应被视为对问责规则的挑战。

The making of modern authority centred on efforts to formalise and de-personalise power,and transnational orders such as the European Union have often been viewed as an extension of that project. As this article argues,recent developments tell a different story. More than a decade of crisis politics has seen institutions subordinated to and reshaped by individuals and the networks they form. Locating these tendencies in a wider historical context,the article argues that greater attention to informality in transnational governance needs to be paired with greater recognition of the normative questions it raises. Just as a separation between rulers and the offices of rule was central to the making of modern legal and political structures,the weakening of that separation creates legitimacy problems for contemporary authorities both national and supranational. Rather than acclaimed as flexible problem-solving,the step back from institutions should be viewed as a challenge to accountable rule.

建立或摧毁国家:战争何时具有形成性影响

题目:Making or un-making states: when does war have formative effects

“War made the state,and the state made war” is Charles Tilly’s famous dictum that has become highly influential both in comparative macrosociology and in International Relations. An extensive literature suggests that this mechanism has played a pivotal role in European processes of state formation. However,its applicability to warfare in the Global South is controversial. While some argue that the relationship remains the same,others are skeptical of the effects of the bellicist mechanism. Against the background of the debate as to whether war makes or un-makes states in the Global South,this paper examines the conditions under which wars have formative effects and result in state-making. Revisiting the war-making/state-making paradigm,I argue that the mode of economic reproduction of “wielders of coercion” determines whether war has formative effects. Wielders of coercion,or more specifically,non-state armed movements may draw on (1) rents,(2) indirect extraction,or (3) direct extraction to sustain their economic base and organize coercion. However,they institutionalize and develop into a state-like organization only when they rely on direct extraction. To support these claims,I conduct a plausibility probe drawing on evidence from highly successful armed insurgencies: Eritrea’s EPLF,Somaliland’s SNM,and Namibia’s SWAPO. In sum,the bellicist relationship remains valid for the Global South,even if the conditions under which war makes states are rare. A more nuanced reading of the bellicist theory improves our understanding of the dynamics of state formation and decay in the post-colonial world.

编译 | 卫艺璇 林怡娉 徐一凡 李思

审校 | 徐一君

排版 | 廉梦瑶

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