期刊简介

《国际事务》（International Affairs）是国际关系领域的一流学术期刊，也是多学科综合性学术期刊。本刊于1992年由伦敦皇家国际事务研究所查塔姆学院（Chatham House）创立，内容来源广泛，力图囊括业内专家、学术新秀对重点、热点问题的最新思考。2021年期刊影响因子为4.985，在96个国际关系类刊物中位列第6名。

本期目录

反思全球核政治，反思女权主义

Rethinking global nuclear politics，rethinking feminism

土著妇女对核燃料链的全程抵抗

Indigenous women's resistances at the start and end of the nuclear fuel chain

原子美学：埃及的性别、可视化和流行文化

Atomic aesthetics: gender，visualization and popular culture in Egypt

女权主义与甘地：想象超越印度核主义的其他选择

男性特质与古巴导弹危机：作为先发制人威慑的性别特质

Masculinity and the Cuban Missile Crisis: gender as pre-emptive deterrent

将瑞典弃核性别化：一个历史分析

Gendering Sweden's nuclear renunciation: a historical analysis

反思核武器政策的“性别敏感”路径：对“不扩散条约”的研究

Examining ‘gender-sensitive’ approaches to nuclear weapons policy: a study of the Non-Proliferation Treaty

太平洋妇女的反核诗歌：以本土知识为中心

Pacific women's anti-nuclear poetry: centring Indigenous knowledge

美国的大战略是否终结？特朗普任后深度接触的政治基础

Is US grand strategy dead? The political foundations of deep engagement after Donald Trump

试探国际社会的底线？信任、AUKUS和印太安全

Testing the limits of international society? Trust，AUKUS and Indo-Pacific security

中国的国家言论、民族主义与公众舆论

State rhetoric，nationalism and public opinion in China

中国和赞比亚：主权债务危机的产生

China and Zambia: creating a sovereign debt crisis

重新审视核对冲：弹道导弹和伊朗的例子

Revisiting nuclear hedging: ballistic missiles and the Iranian example

俄罗斯对叙利亚的力量投射及其与当地国家的互动

Russia's power projection into Syria and its interactions with local states

安全部队援助尼日尔的影响：干预边界

The impact of security force assistance in Niger: meddling with borders

堕胎与哥伦比亚的内战遗产：生殖暴力与生殖治理

Abortion access and Colombia's legacy of civil war: between reproductive violence and reproductive governance

文章摘要

反思全球核政治，反思女权主义

题目：Rethinking global nuclear politics，rethinking feminism

摘要：本文是《国际事务》“对全球核政治的女权主义审问”专题的导论。在本文中，作者认为，关于全球核秩序的女权主义国际关系学术研究应该重振旗鼓，并通过恰当方式更充分地考虑殖民权力矩阵并对其重新调整。文章的第一部分借助严肃看待殖民主义的女权主义路径，探索了因全球核政治而产生的一些独特见解。作者表明，在更广泛的统治历史中，这种研究路径将核破坏重新定义为许多人的现实生活；揭露了种族、性别和殖民层面的核话语；并使人们对处于全球核秩序核心的物质殖民关系有了新的认识。在第二部分，作者转向批判性地思考，如果人们关注全球核政治，则可能会对女权主义的内容及它与殖民主义和争取自决的斗争有不同的解释。最后，本文对该专题的文章加以概述，突出了它们与主题的联系及其未来研究方向。

This article serves as an introduction to the International Affairs special section，‘Feminist interrogations of global nuclear politics’. In this article，we argue that feminist International Relations scholarship on the global nuclear order and its discontents should be revitalized，in ways that reckon more fully with the colonial matrix of power and its contemporary realignments. As the initial step in such a task，the first part of the article explores some of the distinctive insights that are generated about global nuclear politics by a feminist approach that takes coloniality seriously. We show that such an approach reconceptualizes nuclear destruction as a lived reality for many，within a broader history of domination; exposes the racialized，gendered and colonial dimensions of nuclear discourses; and casts fresh light on the material colonial relationships at the heart of the global nuclear order. In the second part，we reverse our focus to critically think through how the content of feminism，and its relation to coloniality and struggles for self-determination，might be understood differently if we start from a concern with global nuclear politics. The third and final part surveys the articles in the special section，highlighting where they pick up on the themes we have explored and some future lines of enquiry.

土著妇女对核燃料链的全程抵抗

题目：Indigenous women's resistances at the start and end of the nuclear fuel chain

摘要：通过关注主要发生在原住民土地上核燃料链的始末，本文考察了铀矿开采和核废料倾倒对北美土著妇女的性别影响及其对这一过程的抵制。本文揭示，采矿和倾倒不仅是对土著人民保留地主权的否定，也是对土著妇女的政治和文化权威以及身体自主权的损害。本文进一步指出，土著妇女通过恢复以往流行的习俗，如Anishnaabe的妇女在水上行走，重申其民族自觉和个人自主权，进而使其拒绝继续受核殖民主义侵害的决心；这方面的一个例子是Saugeen Ojibway Nation的全民公投，该公投阻止了在其领土上建立深层核废料地质储存库。这一案例表明，土著女权主义思想接触应该得到重视，国际关系学者应关注土著妇女对核燃料链的抵制，以反殖民和对社会和环境皆公正的方式解决倾倒核废料的问题。

原子美学：埃及的性别、可视化和流行文化

题目：Atomic aesthetics: gender，visualization and popular culture in Egypt

How was the atomic age visualized in Egypt in the years immediately after the creation of the bomb? What role did gendered images，symbols and metaphors play in narrating and normalizing nuclear technology? How can these help us understand nuclear policy today? This article engages visual and textual media，including satirical magazines，cultural journals and film. It presents a plurality of images: the depiction of the bomb as an egg，as a miniscule and aesthetically pleasing object，alongside more alarming illustrations of the bomb as a monster. Through fluid and unstable visualizations，nationalist modernizers highlighted the ambivalence of nuclear technology，seen as containing potential for postcolonial rebirth and global death simultaneously. By exploring nuclear imaginaries from the decolonizing world，the article challenges the dominant narratives，histories and aesthetics of the atomic age. Despite the continuous reiteration of nuclear weapons as masculine in feminist International Relations，this conceptualization is not necessarily universal，and this research illustrates that feminizing nuclear imagery can still reinforce the nuclearized world. Considering visualization from，and not only of，the global South，the article emphasizes that people in non-nuclear weapons-possessing states also participated in the production of the nuclear-armed world and in discussions on the nuclear condition.

女权主义与甘地：想象超越印度核主义的其他选择

题目：Feminism and Gandhi: imagining alternatives beyond Indian nuclearism

This article makes an important theoretical and empirical contribution to the growing literature on nuclearism，using the case-study of India. Despite sustained criticism of and organized resistance to Indian nuclearism for decades，nuclear weapons and power continue to enjoy a high degree of legitimacy，often attributed in part to a lack of articulations of alternative pathways beyond the world-view of nuclearism. Against this backdrop，I argue that a potential starting point for such a conversation in India specifically can be found in the incipient Gandhian undercurrents within Indian anti-nuclear feminist activism. After highlighting the limitations of existing attempts to coalesce Gandhian and feminist strands，I argue that a feminist-Gandhian ethic can be built around the themes of intersubjective self，emotions and ahimsa on which both these strands converge. I then illustrate how such a feminist-Gandhian ethic could help move India beyond nuclearism thanks to its capacity to facilitate more effective disaster scripting and a counter-hegemonic cultural alternative and to legitimize non-exploitative and pluralistic forms of techno-science，before concluding with its policy implications in India and beyond. Besides the addition of a regional world-view under the purview of global International Relations，this work augments a nascent strand of post-western IR theorizing which critically interrogates the binaries of the West / non-West.

男性特质与古巴导弹危机：作为先发制人威慑的性别特质

题目：Masculinity and the Cuban Missile Crisis: gender as pre-emptive deterrent

将瑞典弃核性别化：一个历史分析

题目：Gendering Sweden's nuclear renunciation: a historical analysis

摘要：国际事务的当代事态发展必须在核裁军领域取得成功。然而，女性主义学者表示，由于男性特质和拥核行为之间的联系，核裁军将被继续看作弱者政策。在本文中，作者通过对瑞典核历史的女权主义研究，尝试将上述联系复杂化，并打破这一固有联系。通过广泛的话语分析，本文展示了瑞典是如何在20世纪50年代和60年代通过弃核和核裁军构建一个“白人男性自我”的形象。本文在以下三方面做出贡献：（1）性别、弃核与核裁军的相互作用机制；（2）先前的经验教训对当今的核裁军困境有何启示；（3）本文对政策制定的贡献。这些对当前极具冰变化的核裁军政策意义重大。本文的结论是，为了实现全球无核化，对于维持具有性别和种族特质核秩序的大国关系，揭露和挑战势在必行。

Contemporary developments in international affairs underscore the need for successful outcomes in the field of nuclear disarmament. However，feminist scholars have shown how linkages between masculinity and nuclear posturing continue to make disarmament appear as a policy of the weak，associated with emasculation and/or feminization. In this article I show how a feminist study of Swedish nuclear history has the potential to complicate，and disrupt，such linkages. Analysing a broad range of primary sources through a discourse analytical lens，the article shows how Sweden (re)constructed a white masculine self through its nuclear renunciation and disarmament engagement in the 1950s and 1960s. The article contributes with new insights about how gender，nuclear renunciation and disarmament interact; how lessons from the past can inform our understanding of disarmament dilemmas in the present; and the policy implications of such an analysis. Arguing that such knowledge is crucial for imaginative and transformative disarmament policy in the present，the article concludes that to reach a world free from nuclear weapons，it is crucial to expose，and challenge，those power relations that contribute to sustain a gendered and racialized nuclear order.

反思核武器政策的“性别敏感”路径：对“不扩散条约”的研究

题目：Examining ‘gender-sensitive’ approaches to nuclear weapons policy: a study of the Non-Proliferation Treaty

摘要：在过去的十年里，人们一直在核政策制定中采取“性别敏感”路径。然而，这一路径的意义，以及如何使用它理解“性别敏感”，还有待研究。本文的研究问题是：使核政策“性别化”的既有研究对核武器的“性别敏感”路径有哪些意义和要求？本文首先概述了将性别问题纳入核决策的运动，随即分析了《核不扩散条约》中关于性别问题的论述。通过对《核不扩散条约》五年案文的定性分析，作者发现，对‘性别敏感路径’的主要理解以妇女参与为主。他们还发现，《核不扩散条约》的论述几乎未提及男性和男性特质；女性被排除在外；女性参与主要被理解为提高机构效率的一种手段。作者认为，将核政策“性别化”的过程中，下一步应更多采用女权主义政策分析，广泛借鉴政策领域工作者的经验，并进一步思考将“性别敏感路径”与核威慑实践有机结合的可行性和方案。除了为核武器领域做出贡献，本文还阐释了国际安全空间“性别化”的机遇和挑战。

The past decade has seen a push for ‘gender sensitive’ approaches within nuclear policy-making. Yet the significance of this approach，and how it understands ‘gender sensitivity’ are unclear and have not been studied. This article asks the question: how does work done on ‘gendering’ nuclear policy to date understand what a gender sensitive approach to nuclear weapons means and requires? The article provides an overview of the movement to include gender in nuclear policymaking before conducting an analysis of the discourse on gender in a core institution of nuclear politics，the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Through qualitative analysis of five years of NPT texts，we find that dominant understandings of a ‘gender sensitive approach’ centre on the inclusion of women. We further find that there is almost no mention of men and masculinity in the NPT discourse; women are constructed as a homogenous category of outsiders; and women's inclusion is understood mainly as a means of increasing institutional efficiency. We suggest that the next steps in ‘gendering’ nuclear policy engage more with feminist policy analysis and the experiences of those already working within the policy space，and consider further how and if one can meaningfully link gender sensitive approaches to the practice of nuclear deterrence. The findings of this study also have significance beyond nuclear weapons，illuminating the broader dynamics and challenges of ‘gendering’ international security spaces.

太平洋妇女的反核诗歌：以本土知识为中心

题目：Pacific women's anti-nuclear poetry: centring Indigenous knowledges

摘要：迄今为止，太平洋土著妇女反核诗歌的档案尚未被系统整理。通过对这些档案的分析，本文论证其在推动核帝国主义国际话语变革中发挥的作用，扩展了全球核政治的女性主义研究。太平洋地区的社会人士，特别是妇女，一直是全球核工业联合体的最活跃的反对者之一，她们活跃在无核独立太平洋运动(NFIP)的第一线。然而，太平洋妇女在这场运动中发挥的作用还鲜有充分研究。为此，作者通过概述20世纪70年代反核会议的发展历史、分析太平洋妇女对太平洋核化的相关诗歌，按时间顺序回顾了妇女在全球反核运动中作用。本文提及的太平洋妇女诗歌使得太平洋岛民的诉求得到关注，并展现了土著组织内部复杂的性别和阶级关系，因而对国际关系等领域的女性主义研究有所助益。此外，国际关系领域存在偏爱行政语言和统计报告而忽视具体知识和情感经验的父权制倾向，通过反对这一倾向，这些诗歌为厘清国际关系领域有效的政治话语形式做出贡献。因此，这篇文章还讨论了国际关系领域更广泛的知识生产问题，特别是关于该领域的非殖民化辩论，并倡导聚焦国际政治中的土著知识。

This article expands feminist IR research on global nuclear politics by presenting a heretofore unassembled archive of Indigenous Pacific women's anti-nuclear poetry and by arguing for the importance of this poetry as a transformative mover of international discourse on nuclear imperialisms. Pacific activists，and especially women，have been some of the world's most active opponents to the global nuclear industrial complex，systematically working on the frontline of grassroots organizing in the Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific (NFIP) movement. Yet，the role played by Pacific women in the movement is understudied. To begin rectifying this omission，we chronologically retrace the evolution and the complexity of women's role in the global anti-nuclear movement by outlining the history of the development of anti-nuclear conferences in the 1970s understood alongside and also through Pacific women's poetic reflection on and activism against nuclearization in the Pacific. The poems by Pacific women presented in this article contribute to debates about nuclear politics in feminist IR and beyond，as they bring Pacific Islander voices into view and provide a more complex picture of Indigenous organizing，highlighting tensions based on gender and class within organizations such as the NFIP movement. In addition，these poems also contribute to ongoing challenges in IR to what constitutes valid forms of political discourse，by pushing back against the field's patriarchal tendency to favour administrative language and statistical reports at the expense of embodied knowledge and emotional experience. As such，this article also addresses broader questions of knowledge production in IR，particularly in the context of debates about decolonizing the field，and advocates for centring Indigenous knowledges of international politics.

美国的大战略是否终结？特朗普任后深度接触的政治基础

题目：Is US grand strategy dead? The political foundations of deep engagement after Donald Trump

摘要：国际关系学者经常警告说，美国的政治体系已经变得过于支离破碎，难以维持一个连贯的大战略。这种看法通常基于两个前提：一是特朗普总统使得美国外交政策的既定原则受到前所未有的攻击，二是国内两党的严重极化使美国难以对其全球领导力的愿景达成一致。相比之下，本文认为，深度接触的大战略得到了两党的大力支持。尽管特朗普总统拒绝了更广泛的自由国际主义概念，但他的行为在很大程度上符合深度接触的原则。此外，当特朗普离开深度接触，他的行动并没有反映选民的政策偏好，例如他质疑美国对北约的承诺。事实上，民调数据显示，如今公众对深度接触的支持程度不亚于冷战结束至今的任何时刻。总而言之，这篇文章表明，与传统战略相比，深度接触的大战略的障碍更少，政治可行性也更强。

International Relations scholars frequently warn that the American political system has become too fractured to sustain a coherent grand strategy. This perception generally rests on two premises: that President Donald Trump led an unprecedented assault on established principles of US foreign policy，and that Democrats and Republicans have become so polarized that they can no longer agree on a common vision for global leadership. By contrast，this article argues that the grand strategy of deep engagement retains robust bipartisan support. Even though President Trump rejected more expansive conceptions of liberal internationalism，his behaviour was largely consistent with deep engagement's principles. Moreover，when Trump departed from deep engagement—as with questioning the US commitment to NATO—his actions did not reflect voters' policy preferences. In fact，polling data indicate that public support for deep engagement is at least as strong today as it has been at any other point since the end of the Cold War. Altogether，the article thus demonstrates that the grand strategy of deep engagement is less embattled，and more politically viable，than the conventional wisdom suggests.

试探国际社会的底线？信任、AUKUS和印太安全

题目：Testing the limits of international society? Trust，AUKUS and Indo-Pacific security

When Australia reneged on a AUD$90 billion submarine contract with France in 2021 as it joined AUKUS，a new trilateral military partnership between Australia，the UK and the US，it was accused of lying and breaching France's trust. This perceived act of betrayal not only led to a deterioration in the diplomatic relationship between Australia and France，but it also drew attention to the consequences of violating the norm of pacta sunt servanda—agreements must be kept. Although it is recognized that breaches of trust undermine relationships，what has been underexplored is how a violation of norms can also undermine the presumption of trust in international society more broadly. Focusing on how Australia broke its contract with France after it joined AUKUS，this article argues that Australia's conduct not only harmed its relationship with France，but it also led the European Union (EU) to raise questions about how much to trust AUKUS partners as it engages in the Indo-Pacific region. It posits that adherence to international norms is important for developing trust between states in international society and has the potential to facilitate cooperation and enhance security in the complex Indo-Pacific region and beyond.

中国的国家言论、民族主义与公众舆论

题目：State rhetoric，nationalism and public opinion in China

中国和赞比亚：主权债务危机的产生

题目：China and Zambia: creating a sovereign debt crisis

摘要：赞比亚对中国的贷款承诺水平极高，这是否有助于洞察中国的金融方略？一些学者认为，中国对赞比亚的贷款反映了中国有目的地利用贷款来建立杠杆，或许还会收购战略资产。这篇文章使用了有关中国贷款、贷款人和承包商以及流程追踪的新数据，转而认为赞比亚是中国贷款协调问题的极端案例。在所有获得中国贷款的非洲国家中，自2000年以来，赞比亚拥有中国贷款方数量最多（18个），其获得中国贷款项目的中国承包商数量位居第二（29个）。赞比亚的利益相关方数量增长，这导致了对基础设施合同的激烈竞争，这些竞争也难以得到监管。由于中国缺乏对公司和贷款人自上而下的协调，因此这一现象几乎没有约束。与此同时，赞比亚的政治领导人无视他们自己对过度借贷的限制。中国关于债务可持续性具有独特观点，这可能会为其密切监控带来额外阻碍。最后，赞比亚在过去从中国等贷款方频繁取消债务，这可能加剧了其道德风险。

Does Zambia's exceptionally high level of Chinese loan commitments provide insights into China's financial statecraft? Some have argued that Chinese lending to Zambia reflects China's purposeful use of loans to build leverage and perhaps acquire strategic assets. This article uses new data on Chinese loans，lenders and contractors and process-tracing to argue instead that Zambia is an extreme case of coordination problems in Chinese lending. Among all African countries with Chinese loans，Zambia has had the largest number of distinct Chinese lenders since 2000 (18) and the second largest number of different Chinese contractors winning Chinese loan-financed projects (29). This multiplication of stakeholders has created fierce and unregulated competition for infrastructure contracts in Zambia. In Beijing，‘fragmented authoritarianism’ has meant an absence of top-down coordination of firms' and lenders' activities and thus few restraints. At the same time，Zambia's political leaders disregarded their own restraints on over-borrowing. Distinctive Chinese ideas about debt sustainability likely created additional disincentives for close Chinese monitoring. Finally，Zambia's history of frequent debt cancellations from China and other lenders likely exacerbated moral hazard risks.

重新审视核对冲：弹道导弹和伊朗的例子

题目：Revisiting nuclear hedging: ballistic missiles and the Iranian example

摘要：技术变革使新式核武库更容易受到攻击。本文考察了这将如何影响国际关系中的核对冲行为体，即故意寻求核潜伏期或发展核弹能力的国家。本文认为，核问题中日益增长的脆弱性为核对冲者提供了越来越多的机会，促使他们获得弹道导弹。在核突破决定与获得具有威慑价值的核武库之间存在着“脆弱窗口”，而拥有导弹对限制这一“脆弱窗口”至关重要。本文通过对伊朗导弹和火箭计划的案例研究来说明这一趋势。作者发现，导弹采购确实是伊朗对冲战略的组成部分，且其拥核倾向在获取的系统中展露无遗。此外，伊朗先进的导弹武器库使其更轻易获得核威慑力量。核扩散研究的既有研究忽视了导弹发展在当代核对冲中越发重要的作用，本研究致力于为此做出贡献。研究结果表明，在对各国核潜伏期和对冲的学术评估中，以及在拥核难度的探讨中，导弹的因素愈发需要被考虑在内。此外，本文表明，对于致力于防止核扩散对的实践者而言，应该优先对导弹展开研究。

Technological shifts have made nascent nuclear arsenals more vulnerable. This article examines how this affects nuclear hedgers—that is，states deliberately seeking nuclear latency or the capability to develop the bomb. It argues that growing vulnerabilities provide hedgers with increasing incentives to acquire sophisticated ballistic missiles. Possession of missiles is crucial to limit the ‘window of vulnerability’ between a nuclear breakout decision and the attainment of a nuclear arsenal with deterrence value. The article illustrates this tendency through a case-study of the Iranian missile and rocket programs. It finds that missile acquisition has indeed been an integral part of Iran's hedging strategy，and that several of the systems it has acquired indicate an interest in nuclear weapons delivery. Furthermore，Iran's sophisticated missile arsenal significantly shortens its path to a credible nuclear deterrent. The article contributes to the proliferation literature，which has overlooked that the development of missiles is an increasingly important element of contemporary nuclear hedging. Its findings show that missiles increasingly need to be considered in scholarly assessments of states' nuclear latency and hedging，and in discussions about how difficult it is to acquire nuclear weapons. Moreover，the findings indicate that practitioners working to prevent proliferation should prioritize tracking missile programs.

俄罗斯对叙利亚的力量投射及其与当地国家的互动

题目：Russia's power projection into Syria and its interactions with local states

摘要：通过分析俄罗斯在叙利亚战场上与以色列和土耳其的接触，本文研究了在俄罗斯向当地投射力量后，外部大国与当地国家之间可能发生的各种互动。在关于力量投射的既有研究中，学者们主要关注大国之间竞争的背景下域内外行为体之间的互动，却忽视了大国和非大国之间的互动。这一问题在其他领域的研究中有所涉及，比如关于强制外交的研究，但它将地方国家视为大国的目标国家。然而，现实未必如此，因为大国可能会与地方政府接触，并在某地区追求完全不同的目标。正如本文所述，尽管以色列和土耳其一直不是俄罗斯的目标国家，但俄罗斯经常与它们互动，以确保它们不会在叙利亚采取损害其利益的行动。俄罗斯在这方面取得了成功，因为当地国家在叙利亚开展的行动大多与俄罗斯的利益相符。当情况并非如此时，俄罗斯对以色列和土耳其采取了限制性或惩罚性措施，以维护其在当地的有利战略环境。

By analysing Russia's engagements with Israel and Turkey in the Syrian theatre，this article sheds light on the kinds of interactions that may occur between an external great power and local states following the former's projection of power into the latter's region. The literature on power projection examines interactions between regional and extra-regional actors in the context of competition between great powers，thus overlooking interactions between great powers and non-great powers. Other literature，such as that on coercive diplomacy，does deal with this neglected issue，but it treats local states as the great power's target states. This，however，need not be the case，since great powers may engage local states while pursuing wholly different goals in a region. As this article illustrates，although Israel and Turkey have not been Russia's target states，Russia has frequently interacted with them to ensure that they refrain from acts harmful to its interests in Syria. Russia has succeeded in this endeavour，as local states have mostly complied with Russia's rules and restrictions while operating in Syria. When this was not the case，Russia introduced restrictive or punitive measures against Israel and Turkey，which enabled Moscow to keep the local environment conductive to its interests.

安全部队援助尼日尔的影响：干预边界

题目：The impact of security force assistance in Niger: meddling with borders

摘要：安全部队援助（SFA）对尼日尔安全等部门有何影响？作者在尼日尔进行了广泛的实地考察，发现并分析了尼日尔安全部门的两个发展进程：扩大特种部队司令部（Special Forces Command）和组建多支机动混合部队。本研究的基础为与萨赫勒地区边界政治化和安全化有关的现有研究和讨论国内外安全部队边界模糊问题的研究的基础上，并致力于对这些研究作出贡献。本文有两重目标：第一，通过重点关注尼日尔的地缘政治边界以及安全部门部队和部队之间和内部的边界，揭示SFA的努力和影响；第二，将尼日尔安全部门的发展进程与全球安全趋势联系起来并加以比较。作者发现，这两个SFA发展进程都造成并助长了机构间关于任务分工、设备和培训的竞争。新成立的特种部队司令部的过度使用反映了后者的全球趋势，即后者是一个“易触发的按钮”。为了确保地缘政治边界的安全从而增加混合部队，则加强了处于内部和外部安全部队交界处的中介机构的地位和权力。重要的是，干涉边界的两种趋势被发现由外部和当地行为体共同构成，它们决定了哪些发展进程应被视为威胁，并如何被解决。

How does Security Force Assistance (SFA) impact Niger's security sector and beyond? I draw on extensive fieldwork in Niger and identify and analyse two developments taking place in Niger's security sector: the development of an expanded Special Forces Command and the elaboration of multiple mobile hybrid units. I build upon，and contribute to，existing studies related to the politicization and securitization of borders in the Sahel and research discussing the blurring of borders between internal and external security forces. The aim is twofold: first，to unpack SFA efforts and effects through a focus on both geopolitical borders in Niger，and borders between and within corps and units in the security sector; and second，to contextualize and compare the developments in Niger's security sector with broader，global security trends. I find that both of the SFA projects constitute and feed into institutional games and inter-agency rivalry regarding task division，equipment and training. The overuse of the newly created Special Forces Command mirrors global trends of the latter as an ‘easy button to push’，while the multiplication of hybrid units to secure geopolitical borders reinforces the status and power of intermediary agencies that are at the interface between internal and external security forces. On an overarching level，the two trends of meddling with borders are found to be co-constituted by external and local actors who decide which developments that should be considered threats and how they should be addressed，questions that are deeply intertwined with power and control.

堕胎与哥伦比亚的内战遗产：生殖暴力与生殖治理

题目：Abortion access and Colombia's legacy of civil war: between reproductive violence and reproductive governance

摘要：2022年，哥伦比亚将堕胎合法化，使其表面上获得了堕胎政治的正面形象。然而，在几个小时内，这项裁决就遭到了强烈的高层反弹，他们将堕胎视为对哥伦比亚家庭的威胁，并暗示性别冲突对过去和现在的伤害。在很大程度上，哥伦比亚堕胎法律框架是其竞选活动的产物，这些竞选活动在激烈的政治暴力和不安全时期开展的，在这种情况下，冲突和（后）冲突是连续存在的。总而言之，这表明（后）冲突政治对理解哥伦比亚的堕胎政治具有重要意义，反之亦然。在此，作者通过分析2018年的采访数据，认为这两者应该被放在一起理解，因为它们都是由宗教、男性特质和宿命论等因素塑造的。因此，非刑事化（Decriminalization）应被理解为复兴的保守生殖治理（resurgent conservative reproductive governance）的一部分，堕胎政治本身的性质还有待讨论，而并非直接被看作进步的。此外，分析堕胎政治还能为冲突地区的性别正义带来启示。

In 2022，Colombia decriminalized abortion，making it ostensibly a site of progressive abortion politics. Within hours，however，the ruling was met with intense，high-level backlash that positioned abortion as a threat to the Colombian family and gestured to gendered conflict harms past and present. Colombia's legal framework on abortion has emerged largely due to campaigning that unfolded during periods of intense political violence and insecurity，in a setting where conflict and (post-)conflict exist on a continuum. Combined，this points to the significance of (post-)conflict politics to understanding abortion politics，and vice versa，in the Colombian space. Here，we use interview data gathered in 2018 to argue that the two should be understood in tandem—and，indeed，that one cannot be properly understood without the other，shaped as they both are by a militant conservative nationalism inflected by religion，machismo and natalism，and by the material legacies of conflict. Decriminalization should therefore be understood as part of resurgent conservative reproductive governance，and abortion politics itself as an agonistic space of contestation rather than straightforwardly progressive. Beyond Colombia，it is also indicative of the rich insights on gender justice in conflict spaces that can be drawn from analysing abortion politics.

编译 | 胡富钦

审校 | 崔育涞

排版 | 张学玉